Ainda o discurso de Barack Obama no Congresso, proferido na passada terça-feira. Para Joe Klein, na Time, foi uma «obra-prima»:
«Obama came into full possession of the U.S. presidency toward the end of his February 24 budget speech to a joint session of Congress. He had just read a letter from a South Carolina schoolgirl, pleading for help with her dilapidated school. "We are not quitters," the girl had written. The President's eyes brightened as he repeated that phrase, and he seemed barely able to control his joy and confidence as he attacked his peroration: that even in the toughest times, "there is a generosity, a resilience, a decency and a determination that perseveres." This was the chord that had been missing in the first dour month of Obama's presidency — not so much optimism as confidence, the sense that he was not only steering the presidency, but loving the challenge of it. It was the quality that distinguished Franklin Roosevelt's public persona, guided by the motto that F.D.R. had in his office: "Let unconquerable gladness dwell."
The modern presidency is a vast electronic synthesizer, capable of exhilarating musical effects or rank cacophony. The President needs to be able to throw his voice in a variety of ways — now sober, now soaring, now educating, now soothing. George W. Bush's presidency was straitjacketed by his inability to command any style but clenched orotundity. The two great television-era communicators in the office were yin and yang: Bill Clinton was a master of the conversational, not so good at set-piece speeches; Ronald Reagan just the opposite. Barack Obama has now demonstrated an ability to synthesize those two. On the day before his budget speech, the President was positively Clintonesque, interacting easily with a gang of high-powered political and business leaders at his entitlement summit, alternately ribbing Eric Cantor, the House Republican, about GOP intransigence, then wonking out on defense procurement policy with Senators Susan Collins and John McCain.
If the entitlement summit was a conversational concerto, the budget speech was a full-blown symphony featuring a percussive series of simple declarative sentences that conveyed a sense of command, especially in the emotional heart of the speech, the section on banking reform. On corporate extravagance: "Those days are over." On the public anger over the bailouts: "I promise you — I get it." These were marshaled in the service of public education: Obama explained why, despite the despicable behavior of the bankers, the system had to be salvaged. If houses and cars were to be bought, if businesses were to make payrolls, loans had to be made. "[I]n a time of crisis, we cannot afford to govern out of anger, or yield to the politics of the moment," he said, aiming a dagger at his detractors.
Obama's month in office has not been kind to Republicans. In a New York Times/CBS News poll released the day before the budget speech, 79% said that the GOP should put more effort into cooperating with the President and only 17% said Republicans should stick by their principles. Indeed, a brace of polls indicated great faith in Obama, somewhat less faith in his proposed solutions, and a crushing consensus that the Republican Party seemed more interested in playing politics at a time of crisis than in behaving constructively. Louisiana Governor Bobby Jindal, a smart fellow if not yet a wise one, gave the Republican response to Obama's speech and quickly became the poster boy for his party's vacuity and cynicism. He had announced noisily that he was rejecting a portion of the stimulus money coming to his state — but it turned out to be a minuscule portion, little more than 2%. In other words, when the rubber met the road, he supported 98% of the Obama plan. (See pictures of Obama's nation of hope.)
All is not joy for Obama, of course. He has to govern. He has to manage situations — the banks at home, the deterioration of Pakistan overseas — that might prove unmanageable. For all the spiritual success of his budget speech, there were precious few details about his policy priorities. No one really knows what to do about the American auto industry. No one really knows if, or how quickly, alternative energy sources can revive the economy and salve the planet. There seems to be some confusion about how to proceed on health care. In his speech, the President promised a national health plan within the year. But in a prespeech briefing, a senior Administration official was less sanguine: "Health care will move forward based on our ability to get consensus. It's not as easy as getting 61 votes on the stimulus bill. It's too big and too complicated to move quickly."
There are, then, strong indications that the big decisions on a range of crucial issues have yet to be made. But after the budget speech, there is a clearer sense that we have a President who will attack those decisions, then lead the way forward with the unconquerable gladness of a man invigorated by the tasks before him.»
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